Key findings
Confidence in public institutions
Discussions about the NHS and schools generated mixed views across the focus groups. Within most[4] groups, some people had more confidence in these public services, some less. By contrast, confidence in the police was consistently lower for most groups. The findings below examine the drivers of these views for each of these public services.
The NHS is a well-trusted institution, but instances of low confidence were linked to concerns about perceived underfunding (by all groups) and perceived bias against certain ethnic minorities (primarily by black groups).
The dominant view across the groups was that the NHS is highly trusted in terms of its values. As an institution, the NHS was seen as intrinsically fair because of its commitment to free healthcare to all at the point of service - a feature which participants frequently contrasted with the US healthcare system. NHS employees, meanwhile, were generally seen as motivated by a desire to care for others, and therefore in the job for the right reasons. This perception may derive from a positive stereotype of healthcare as a vocation for altruistic people who want to help others. For many participants, it also reflected the service they and their loved ones had experienced when engaging with the NHS, both recently and in the past.
Confidence in the NHS and opinions about NHS competency were more mixed. For example, while NHS hospitals were seen as highly capable of delivering at the point of need, particularly in more severe (e.g. life-or-death) scenarios, confidence in GPs was low. Likewise, while as a rule healthcare professionals were seen as highly capable thanks to their medical training, some participants described a lot of variability in the quality of individual healthcare professionals. This variability was linked to a range of factors, including:
staff seniority / years of experience – for example, senior consultants vs junior doctors;
where someone received their medical training – for example, a very small minority of participants questioned whether people trained overseas receive the same quality medical education;
understanding of specific ethnic minority groups - for example, several black participants cited experiences and incidences of poor care of black patients, attributing these to a lack of awareness and understanding among (non-black) healthcare professionals of the culture and physiology of black people.
These comments show that while participants broadly believe the NHS will try to help them, they felt they cannot always rely on it doing so in all contexts. Broadly speaking, the drivers of this attitude can be split into two categories.
The first of these categories is specific to ethnic minorities. As the points above indicate, there is a view that ethnic minorities may receive poorer care. This view was expressed most by participants in the black African, black Caribbean and mixed groups, and most strongly by black Caribbean groups. Their views were almost always based on direct experience, sometimes in combination with information consumed via online channels like social media. For example, participants reported a perceived lack of representation of black groups on the NHS website, which was seen as a sign that the NHS is biased in favour of white service users. There was also sometimes a gendered aspect to their view, with women from black and mixed groups suggesting that their ethnicity and sex puts them at a double disadvantage in healthcare contexts. For example, participants recalled stories of poorer maternal health outcomes for black women.
While more common among black and mixed ethnicity participants, there were also some accounts of South Asian groups receiving poorer quality care. This was attributed both to challenges like some recent migrants having poor English fluency, and to individual staff members being perceived as racist.
The second category relates to perceptions of the wider circumstances within which the NHS is currently operating. Increasing demand on NHS services combined with perceived underfunding emerged as a widespread concern across the groups. From the perspective of participants, these factors mean that healthcare professionals are overworked and underpaid; have limited capacity to spend time with patients; and are more likely to underperform due to stress and tiredness. Some participants also suggested that the NHS was having to deprioritise less urgent care to focus limited resources on life-saving services, contributing to lower confidence in primary care. This view derived from several sources, including news media reports and participants’ own inferences from their experiences of delays trying to access primary care services, such as GP appointments. Notably, these challenges were not seen by participants as the fault of the individual practitioners but of a general top-down culture of prioritising management of costs over care for people. Interestingly, some participants also assumed that NHS managers were either not healthcare professionals or had spent so long away from the frontline of care that they no longer associated them with the positive values generally attributed to the healthcare profession. This view was widely shared within the white other group, but also mentioned by some participants in other groups.
Teaching is a trusted profession, but instances of low confidence in schools was linked to perceived mismanagement and to potential bias against ethnic minorities - primarily the black ethnic group
Discussion about schools highlighted several dynamics which were also observed of the NHS. Teaching, like healthcare, was widely viewed as a vocation which attracts people who genuinely want to help children and young people, underpinned by rigorous teacher training, leading to a sense of trust in the profession of teaching as a whole. Positive personal recollections of being at school reinforced confidence for many – including some who were more critical of schools today. Some participants with young relatives currently or recently in school also reported positive direct and indirect (through the eyes of the young person) experiences, providing another source of confidence.
Set against these confidence drivers, many participants thought that schools and teachers today are limited by circumstances outside of their immediate control. Like the NHS, perceived under-investment in education at a state level was highlighted as an issue which is compromising the ability of schools to deliver for young people. Similarly, there was a perceived over-emphasis on exam results, which could be seen to detract from the inclusiveness of school environments and the way that teachers engage ‘under-performing’ students. At a more systemic level, some participants questioned whether the current national curriculum was fit-for-purpose in preparing young people for the real world. These perceptions were reinforced by media coverage of topical stories (one example being school roofs collapsing due to the use of reinforced autoclaved aerated concrete (RAAC)).
Experiences of schools among parents in the groups varied. While some were positive, others described more negative experiences which they said had reduced their confidence. Bullying and discrimination was a common theme: several participants provided anecdotes in which a school or teacher failed to put a stop to a young person being bullied or did not provide appropriate support. Sometimes, these acts of bullying were presented as ethnically motivated, reinforcing a narrative of discrimination towards ethnic minorities within schools. The media was occasionally seen as playing a role in this regard, for example by stereotyping and promoting hostile rhetoric towards minorities, most notably immigrants and Muslims, who then become targets for bullying.
Some participants attributed experiences and stories of perceived ethnic discrimination in schools to a lack of diversity within the school itself. These included participants living in areas of low ethnic diversity, who recognised the problem as down to local demography rather than endemic to the school itself. However, there were also participants who saw discrimination towards ethnic minorities as more ingrained in the institution itself. For example, some participants felt that young black boys and girls are disadvantaged by stereotypes which mean that teachers treat them differently from their white peers, for example, by applying different standards and not investing as much time and effort in their education or adapting to their needs.
“I think both black boys and black girls are expected to mature a lot quicker, especially black girls, so if they have any learning difficulties or any troubles, they're often, kind of, left to the wayside because they [those in charge] believe that they can deal with it themselves...for black boys, if they're ever naughty they are misunderstood and, again, pushed to the side because they think, 'Well, it's not worth it'.”
Black Caribbean participant
“I think black girls in general, I think now the narrative is that they are being treated harsher, especially in secondary school. I've just seen a thing [video on social media] where the number of exclusions among black Caribbean girls has significantly risen.”
Black African participant
“I think culturally, young black boys get a bad rep and are often pushed towards the lower sets and Pupil Referral Units, rather than [schools] seeing what the underlying problem is and understanding that they may not learn in the same way. I've seen it in the media. I've also got younger brothers and cousins as well, and I’ve seen it first-hand.”
Black Caribbean participant
On top of these perceived stereotypes, there were concerns about ethnic bias encoded into the curriculum itself. For example, a small number of black participants suggested that the version of history taught to young people unfairly celebrates colonial figures without presenting a balanced historical account.
Low confidence and levels of trust in the police was attributed to the culture of the institution, the perceived personal values of some members of the police force, and to under-funding
Discussions of the police stood out as different from those on the NHS and schools. As the previous findings have illustrated, for both the NHS and (to a lesser extent) schools, participants expressed an underlying confidence that the institution and the people who work within it can be generally trusted in terms of their values (i.e. they have the right intentions), even if they cannot always be relied on to deliver high quality service. By contrast, there were much stronger and more widespread critiques of policing as an institution and the perceived personal values of some police officers. For example, a career in policing was sometimes seen as attracting people who are motivated by a desire for power over others, rather than to care and support communities.
“[Police officers] I wouldn't trust them. Every week there's something in the news about some police messing up somewhere.”
Mixed ethnicity participant
Perceptions of the police as ethnically and racially biased were much more widespread than for other public institutions. There were numerous mentions of racism within policing, mostly from participants in the black African, black Caribbean, mixed, and Pakistani and Bangladeshi groups. All these groups included people who felt they were more at risk of unfair treatment by the police because of their skin colour or (for Muslims in the Pakistani and Bangladeshi group) because of their religion. Moreover, participants who did not see themselves at risk of bias and discrimination by police (for example, white other participants) identified it as a problem faced by other ethnicities. While this awareness did not appear to influence their personal confidence in the police, it did highlight a broader and stronger view of the police as biased against ethnic minorities.
“The police are known to be racist, and that's come out in several reports on television. When I see a policeman, it worries me. I think people of colour get [their licence plate] checked a lot more.”
Pakistani participant
Sources of low confidence in the fairness of police forces included some first-hand experiences and observations of bias and discrimination, as well as second-hand experiences shared by friends and family. These experiences were concentrated among black, mixed, and Pakistani and Bangladeshi participants. News reporting and social media were also commonly referred to as sources of information and accounted for a greater share of mentions compared with the NHS or schools. This suggests that the media may have more influence on confidence in the police compared with the NHS and schools. Possible reasons for this are examined in more detail later in the report. In the black Caribbean and mixed groups, there was also some discussion of the strong influence family, friends and wider sources of information (such as social media) had on ethnic minority attitudes towards the police. This influence is also explored in more detail later in the report.
“I haven't had any experience with them, but just things I've seen on social media just generally have not been good things about them. For example, them being racist, a lot of police brutality. I think they just assume things sometimes and then act on it. I think that if someone's looking a bit abnormal, they go and charge them instead of actually figuring out what's going on, which isn't really fair.”
Pakistani participant
“With the rise of social media, you see videos and you're like, 'Oh my gosh' and then sometimes you hear stories as well, they'll be like, 'Oh my gosh, they [the police] just pulled us over'. You'll be like, 'Why?', and they’ll say 'Just because we're black.'”
Black African participant
“I think it's the culture that we're brought up in, or I was brought up in. The police are kind of to be feared. I don't know that they should be feared the entire time, but it's a last resort, to call the police. If something really bad is happening, then you call the police.”
Black Caribbean participant
Alongside doubts about fairness, participants perceived the police as under-resourced and underfunded. These views came from first-hand experiences of the police being unresponsive and compounded by wider public conversation in the media about a lack of public funds for public services. Like the NHS and schools, these factors were seen as compromising the police’s ability to deliver good public services. In particular, participants’ experiences led them to conclude that the police were likely to be unresponsive to all but the most serious crimes. For example, several participants provided accounts of contacting the police about crimes like petty theft or burglary and receiving very little support. They interpreted this as a sign of the police considering those crimes as low priority, and therefore dedicating less time and energy to solving them. Furthermore, in cases where police officers did respond, some perceived them as likely to be too heavy-handed and aggressive, which sometimes reinforced concerns about the perceived personal values of officers. This view was voiced in several groups, including white other, black and mixed groups.
“I wouldn't call the police for most things at all. I don't feel that they would be able to solve whatever's going on. I mean, it depends on, obviously, on what's happening, but my eldest daughter called the police recently in a stalking episode and they did absolutely nothing, which has definitely made her feel way more unsafe in her situation. We also live in an area with really high crime and I know what they do when they do come. They're heavy handed; they do things like arrest boys and girls down the road.”
White other participant
Sources of information: experiences and media
Direct experiences and interactions with public services have a strong influence on confidence levels – however, these experiences may themselves be influenced by other sources of information
As the previous findings have already illustrated, a variety of sources of information were mentioned during focus groups as influencing perceptions of public services. These included:
When discussing their confidence levels, participants mentioned direct experiences of public institutions more than any other source of information. These experiences also consistently influenced how much confidence they had in an institution; in other words, they did not doubt what their own experiences told them. In contrast, there were multiple points where people said they discounted information from other sources, including media and friends, for example, because it did not align with their own views and experiences.
These findings underscore the dominant role of first-hand experience in determining confidence in public institutions. However, disentangling the influence of different sources of information on confidence is difficult. As one participant said:
“I think it's impossible to unpick it all. Like, you definitely hear about these things. For me, it's my gut feelings, from my own personal experiences, I’d say about 90%. Then we do kind of expect some things based on what friends and family have told you. Probably media less so.”
Mixed ethnicity participant
Confidence in the news media was often low, limiting how much some participants thought it influenced their views
There was evidence of suspicion towards “the media”, with participants saying that news media organisations sometimes exaggerate and do not always tell the truth about public institutions. For example, some participants believed that news media organisations can have an agenda which shapes their reporting on some public services, most notably the NHS. There were also participants who believed that news media preferred to report negative news, as this helps to capture audience attention. Finally, some saw the media as biased against ethnic minorities and responsible for promoting harmful stereotypes, reducing confidence in their reporting in general.
“The media wouldn’t influence me at all because I feel like they just over-exaggerate, they don’t tell the truth all the time on certain things, or they try and persuade you in a manipulating way.”
Mixed ethnicity participant
Despite these views, participants tended to be less sceptical about news media reports which aligned with their pre-existing views. For example, while participants commonly thought the news media misrepresents the NHS, there was no evidence of participants questioning the validity of news media reports highlighting police bias and discrimination. These inconsistencies may be due to the ways in which people interpret information, which are considered below.
Media is most influential when it aligns with pre-existing individual beliefs, where people have less personal experience to base views on, or where it presents a high volume of (often negative) coverage on an issue
Focus groups highlighted three contexts in which media (including news and social media content) have particularly strong influence on attitudes towards public institutions. The importance of these contexts is supported by evidence on cognitive biases.
The first context is when what people learn through media aligns with – and so reinforces - their pre-existing beliefs. Research on confirmation bias suggests that individuals and groups with negative views towards a given institution (e.g. the police) are more likely to notice and believe reports that reinforce these views. Similarly, people holding negative views towards an institution are more likely to reject reports that present them in a more positive light, for example due to cognitive dissonance. These dynamics were frequently observed across the groups, for example, when participants discussed agreeing with media stories which reflected their own experiences and beliefs and dismissing those which contradicted them.
The second context is when people have less access to information from their own direct experience, or from that of friends and family. For example, some participants noted that fewer people are likely to regularly engage with the police compared with the NHS and schools. Where direct or secondary experience is lacking, other sources of information, such as media, may play a more influential role. This was evidenced by the higher share of mentions of the media as a source of information for attitudes towards the police, compared with either the NHS or schools.
The third context is when people have been exposed to a lot of negative media reporting on a particular issue. Several groups observed that they had seen a lot of negative stories about different public institutions recently. Examples included repeated news reports of:
police behaving illegally and/or unethically - for example, the Sarah Everard case and sharing inappropriate WhatsApp messages;
problems with schools - for example, student safety at risk because of RAAC;
problems with the NHS – for example, cases of negligence towards patients and long waiting times
“The problem with the media's involvement in this is you rarely hear about the good things coming out of the NHS, you only hear about the very long wait times and things going wrong and all the negativity about it, which I think definitely impacts my perception of it.”
Mixed ethnicity participant
“I’ve heard of a few negligence cases. Earlier this week, there was a woman who said she gave birth to a baby, her daughter, and there was a lump in her womb, and then they ignored it and now she’s got cancer.”
Black Caribbean participant
Participants also remarked on the high volume and proportion of online content showing examples of police officers behaving inappropriately towards ethnic minorities. This content was discussed most by people in the black, mixed and Pakistani groups.
“I haven’t heard anything positive about the police. In the wild, everything that you see on the news all seems to be negative. All the little videos that have been filmed and recorded on things like Reddit, none of them seem to be anything positive. It all just seems negative, really.”
Black Caribbean participant
“I’ve just seen videos of small kids being thrown to the ground or where police feel like they can just come all up on you just without respecting your rights. So I feel like they sometimes would like to enforce their power in negative ways.”
Black African participant
As behavioural science research has shown, people give more weight to evidence they can recall easily. This includes things they have heard frequently, recently, and which are particularly negative.
Sources of information: cultural influences
Participants were highly conscious of perceived stereotypes of ethnic minorities; how these stereotypes affected experiences of public services varied
A stereotype is a widely held but fixed and oversimplified image or idea of a particular type of person. All the participants who took part in a depth interview were very conscious of stereotypes or labels associated with different ethnic groups . For black participants, these included the perception of being viewed as an “angry black man” (or woman) , as well as the idea that black people are more resilient to pain (which was perceived to influence how they are treated in healthcare settings). South Asian participants, meanwhile, referred to being perceived as a terrorist, an immigrant or simply “not British”.
Most participants believed that these stereotypes influenced how they and people from their ethnic background are seen and treated by others, including by people who work for public services. In response, several described deliberately behaving in ways that were intended to distance them from these stereotypes. This made some feel like they were being held to higher standards than people not at risk of being stereotyped (for example, white British people).
“Whenever I’m in contact with those services, I am representing something. So, I am not representing just myself, but I represent people from both sides of the fence because these people will make assumptions and they’re going to judge me.”
Mixed ethnicity participant
“I think there is an expectancy of the negative [from public services]. How you react is really what makes a difference… Sometimes people feel, 'That's the angry black woman,' or 'The angry black man,' when you're being direct. You've got to deal with that in the right way… I think you as an African Jamaican black person, you have to stand up and also be calm in how you deliver your verbal answers and language generally.”
Black Caribbean participant
Despite these efforts, some participants highlighted how difficult it can be to strike a balance between advocating for their rights in a public service context while not being perceived negatively. Some of the cues for stereotypes mentioned by participants may also be more difficult to avoid than others, for example, having an “accent” and wearing traditional religious clothing. The perceived inescapability of stereotypes was further highlighted by a participant’s account of how some of their peers from the same ethnic background actually lean into the negative stereotype because “if that’s what you think of me then I might as well act like that anyway” (black African participant).
While there was general agreement among participants that stereotypes of ethnic minorities exist, some were more concerned about them than others. For example, one Indian participant presented as relatively unconcerned. This participant was of higher socioeconomic status, had lived in the UK since they were young, and worked as a lawyer. They felt confident avoiding any negative outcomes due to stereotypes because of their knowledge of their rights. As this example shows, not all participants felt as personally at-risk of negative stereotypes as others. Those who felt more integrated into British society (for example, because they were born and raised in the UK), or who were otherwise able to pass more easily as British (for example, because of their accent, clothing and familiarity with British systems and norms) tended to show less concern than others.
“Sometimes they just want to map you out. I understand that. Whether it's visual or whatever, they look at you and they think, 'Oh, you know, I don't know what this person will want. Let me just give them a blind answer.' But when you approach public services, somebody in my position would have read the rules, know when somebody's trying to fob me off, and say 'no, actually, I should be able to consider this, and you should be able to put me through to whoever it is.'”
Indian participant
Additionally, one mixed ethnicity participant said that negative stereotyping of ethnic minorities is not as common as media sources suggest. They said they see many media stories which appear to show discrimination against ethnic minorities. However, these stories do not reflect their own experience, leading them to conclude that these stories do not represent a deeper issue of discrimination, but rather “unique situations”. That said, the same participant also explicitly described taking care over their own appearance and behaviour to avoid cueing these stereotypes in the minds of others. They therefore still behaved as if at risk of being stereotyped, even if they said they believed that risk is low.
“I have seen all those videos where black boys were stopped and questioned for no reason etc. But I believe these are unique situations. I personally don't think that it happens every day because I myself don't have that kind of experience. Nobody from my family, my friends, have had that kind of experience.”
“I'm going to say there is [in society, currently] this very popular trend of making sure that no women are harassed, and that people of different minorities are treated [fairly].”
Mixed participant
Participants’ awareness of the impact that stereotypes can have on how they are treated came from several sources. As noted above, most felt they had seen stereotypes in action first-hand. Several also referred to media sources, such as “reports on television” which show the “police to be racist” (Pakistani participant).
“We're the ones who are stereotyped. There's numerous amounts of video on social media showing the police acting out of the ordinary, not acting like they should do and not upholding the law, but being quite discriminate, quite violent. There's loads of videos on the police if you just go and have a look.”
Pakistani participant
Finally, friends and family were also perceived as playing a role in warning participants about the risks of being stereotyped.
“I feel like [black African] parents love to, not scare you, but they do…make you feel some fear. But I also, I know that there probably is some truth. But mentally I’m very strong, and I won't give anybody the power to dictate my actions or dictate my thoughts on how I approach situations.”
Black African participant
The influence of ethnicity-specific norms and traits was also recognised; these traits were seen as dynamic and to influence people to varying degrees and in different ways
Depth interviews generated discussion of how certain values and norms are ingrained in the cultures of ethnic minority groups. For example, Bangladeshi, Pakistani and Indian participants all independently discussed the importance of traditional values like trust and respect for elders and authority figures in their (in some cases ancestral) countries of origin. These values were felt to predispose people to trust public services. This predisposition was more strongly associated with first generation migrants and older, more conservative generations, although participants born and raised in the UK also said that they learned these values from how they were raised by their parents.
“I think as a Bangladeshi there is quite a lot of trust and faith. Mainly, I think, because of the inherited thing that we said about being respectable and thinking that authorities are honourable and stuff like that.”
Bangladeshi participant
“When I was growing up it was like, 'Respect your elders, respect the policeman, respect the fireman, respect the doctor.’”
Pakistani participant
“From an Indian perspective, it's rule-following, working hard, education is very important, bringing your children up to fit into this society and we all aspire to work in the top five professions, in terms of our children doing better than us, because it’s progress. Aspire to be [reach] echelons of society, but if it comes with it, even better.”
Indian participant
Black participants also highlighted several attitudes and behaviours which they saw as traits of black ethnic groups which impact how they interact with public services. These included:
being respectful and showing good manners to others;
initially leaning on personal connections for caregiving and support;
a disposition towards distrust in public authorities, including the police;
a disposition towards trust in the NHS and schools as institutions (especially among older generations).
Black participants often explained these views by referring to the historical experiences of black groups both in the UK specifically and more generally throughout history. For example, they outlined how contemporary distrust in public authorities was influenced by historical events like the Brixton riots in the 1980s. This historical context was used to frame contemporary examples of perceived racism and discrimination by authorities, contributing to a view that “nothing has changed”.
“From way back when, when there were riots going on in Brixton…maybe 40 years ago…that's why our parents and grandparents are fearful because nothing's changed. The police service is predominantly white; the judicial service is predominantly white; the number of black barristers is low.”
Black Caribbean participant
One participant also referenced how this history has led some black people to adopt negative stereotypes as lenses through which they judge themselves and other black groups. Another described how experiences of discrimination have contributed to a norm of relying on personal connections rather than public services first for support.
“In hospitals and the NHS, your doctor may not be that helpful so you might seek an auntie who was once a nurse about 30, 40 years ago, because she remembers what it used to be like and she knows the questions to ask because the NHS may not tell you, I've heard that myself.”
Black Caribbean participant
In a similar vein, some participants discussed the enduring influence of the early experiences of first-generation migrants, many of whom came to the UK to work in services like the NHS, and who also benefited personally from those services. While on the one hand this disposed some to look favourably on UK public services, on the other, these memories helped illustrate the perceived deterioration of public services. Reflections from younger, UK-born and raised participants also highlighted an intergenerational cultural shift in these attitudes. These changes were attributed to differences in experiences. For example, the attitudes of older and first-generation migrant participants were seen as based on their ability to recall poor quality public services in their countries of origin, compared with which UK public services are viewed positively. Participants born and raised in the UK lack this point of comparison, however, they also felt they had more intimate, first-hand experience of services like schools, which meant they were better positioned to see “holes in the system”.
“We [black Caribbeans] expect a lot from those [public] services because we came as young people and those services were there [for us], so the way that it has changed is slightly disturbing for me personally.”
Black Caribbean participant
“African parents [perceptions of] education and the hospitals are really high here...I think that's a cultural thing that you might have it hard here, but you know that people back home have it harder.”
Black African participant
As the findings above illustrate, participants felt that there was a lot of variation in how people from shared ethnic backgrounds think and behave. This was linked to factors including people’s actual experiences, upbringing, age, socioeconomic status, gender, nationality, religious beliefs, how recently a person has migrated to the UK, where else they have lived, and degree of integration. How participants defined their own ethnicity also varied, as did the extent to which they saw their ethnicity as core to their identity. Some black African and black Caribbean participants, for example, defined their ethnicity in terms of nationality (e.g. Ghanaian, Jamaican). While some identified strongly with their ethnic heritage, others did not, or felt it more strongly in certain contexts, such as when socialising with people with a similar ethnic background.
Participants’ reflections how to bolster trust among ethnic minority groups
Ways to bolster trust
Participant reflections on what could be done to improve trust in public services highlighted five core themes. While these themes cut across different public services, what they look like in practice sometimes varied depending on the service in question. The themes are outlined below.
1. Staff understanding of ethnic minority groups and the elimination of bias and discrimination towards ethnic minority groups
Implicit in lots of the discussions was the need for public service workers to be able to serve and understand the needs of people from diverse backgrounds. Asked about what could be done to improve this, participants suggested this requires training and a diverse workforce that can relate to and address the specific needs of different groups.
The elimination of bias and discrimination, while relevant for all public services, was viewed as a particular priority for the police. Participants stressed the importance of rooting out "bad apples" and addressing perceived racism within policing. This included calls for more diversity in the police, particularly the recruitment of more black police officers to drive change from within.
For schools, anecdotes of bullying and discrimination underscored the need to better address the requirements of a diverse student population. Proactive measures were called for to ensure inclusivity and fair treatment, including additional training.
Finally, for the NHS, there was a perception that individual encounters with staff can vary significantly, highlighting the need for consistent, high-quality interactions. This could be achieved by investing in staff training, support, and accountability measures, with a particular focus on how staff treat ethnic minority patients.
2. Community and service user engagement
There were calls for public services to make a genuine effort to connect and communicate with communities, particularly those that feel disconnected and underserved. For example, issuing clear guidance on when and how the public can expect assistance from the police was recommended. There were also calls for schools to better connect with and understand their local communities to improve the relevance and impact of their services, for example by enabling more parent-school dialogue. Within the NHS, some participants praised examples of the NHS collecting user feedback on services.
3. More positive media representations of public services and ethnic minority groups
Participants felt that media representations of public institutions, whether in the news or on social media, were mostly negative. For example, participants noted that the media often focuses on the negative aspects of the NHS and schools, such as funding issues, problems with service delivery, and strikes, all of which impacts public perception. They also highlighted the role of the media in reinforcing negative stereotypes both of ethnic minority groups and of public service workers, for example police officers.
Whether and to what extent these representations influence confidence in public institutions is a complex question. As this research has illustrated, some participants considered themselves largely unaffected by media influence, for example because they did not trust news media organisations. At the same time, the research highlighted a range of contexts in which media may be more likely to affect confidence. These include when media stories align with (and so reinforce) pre-existing individual beliefs, where people have less personal experience to base views on, or where it presents a high volume of (often negative) coverage on an issue.
While assessing the precise influence of media representations can be challenging, participants themselves suggested that the media should showcase more positive stories about ethnic minority groups and public services, both in general and in terms of the interactions between the two. They felt this could foster a more balanced perception and help build trust.
4. Better leadership of public services
Participants felt there should be a focus on improving the management of public services. For example, within the NHS, they thought management needed to prioritise patient care over budget constraints and be more involved in frontline services to understand the challenges. They also felt senior leadership needed to be more public in recognising the work and dedication of individual NHS staff members
More broadly, across public services participants felt that management needed to move beyond a focus on targets and numbers. For example, as participants’ discussions of Ofsted in schools illustrated, there was a view that this focus is misaligned with the proper ethos of public services.
5. Increased funding and resources
As mentioned, this study took place during an ongoing period of economic uncertainty and high inflation in the UK. This context has influenced views about the financial health and sustainability of public services. The need for increased funding and resources for public services was a dominant theme of the research. This need was perceived as greatest for the NHS, but also very relevant to schools and police: Ensuring that healthcare facilities are well-equipped and that staff have the tools they need is seen as critical for delivering the best quality service. Participants also felt the NHS requires more healthcare professionals, including nurses, doctors, and carers, to cope with patient demand.
Concerns about budget constraints affecting both the educational delivery and the physical condition of school facilities were prominent. Participants feel that increasing investment could enhance the quality of education and the school environment, which in turn would boost confidence.
Finally, concerns were raised about funding shortages and inadequate staffing of police forces such as lower numbers of frontline police officers. These issues were linked to the perceived lack of responsiveness of the police to all but the most severe crimes.
